20th Annual Plenary Session
Opening Ceremony, 8 June 2002
Berlin, Germany
By Gerhard Schröder, Federal Chancellor of Germany
Download the PDF
(Translation of advance text)
Dear Helmut Schmidt,
Dear Mr Fraser,
Dear Mr Miyazawa,
Dear Ladies and Gentlemen,
I would like to cordially welcome you to Berlin for the
opening of the InterAction Council's annual conference.
For the first time in its almost twenty-year history, the
InterAction Council is holding its conference in Germany.
I regard this as a mark of recognition for Germany.
For our country, and for Berlin in particular, the fall of
the Wall, the decision in favour of our capital Berlin and
the move of the Government and Parliament heralded the
start of a new era.
On the threshold of the new millennium, the erstwhile
"frontline city of the Cold War" has developed into a
metropolis which today boasts peace, democracy, modernity,
cultural diversity, solidarity and tolerance.
Twelve years after reunification and the end of the Cold
War, Germany's role and responsibility in Europe and the
world have grown.
The measure of this change can be gauged, if not solely,
from the participation of German soldiers in peacekeeping
measures or in the fight against terrorism.
Fortunately, the phase in Germany's post-war history in
which our country was not fully sovereign and was thus
neither fully able nor obliged to demonstrate its
solidarity is over once and for all.
Today, our leitmotif is the policy of peace conducted by a
nation which is a good neighbour to its partners - with
equal rights and obligations.
In order to achieve this objective, the German Government
is pursuing an integrative policy oriented towards
cooperation.
Our strong commitment to European unification is thus one
of the key elements of Germany's foreign policy.
Following the horrors of the bloody 20th century, an area
of peace, freedom and economic prosperity has finally been
established in many parts of Europe. Without the accession
of the Central and Eastern European states, this area of
peace would remain incomplete.
The enlargement of the European Union is therefore one of
the most important tasks of this decade.
We expect to have concluded the accession negotiations
with up to ten candidate countries by the end of this
year. Europe, this continent which has been devastated so
often in its history, will thus truly grow together.
People in Eastern Europe are not only seeking the
advantages which are mentioned time and again in
connection with enlargement: more peace, security and
prosperity in the whole of Europe.
They want to become a part of that community of values
which is our "European way of life", that is to say, by
our form of civilization and society which is
characterized by the fact that broad sections of the
population share the values they have worked for so hard
and participate in the decisions made by society.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The demands on an enlarged Europe will increase
dramatically.
Particularly the experiences of 11 September, the
existence of dangerous and persisting regional conflicts,
the momentum of the refugee and migration movements and
new global risks such as organized crime or the threat to
the world climate show that we must find new and, above
all European, answers.
The constraints of a world ever more networked in economic
terms, in which we want to develop Europe into the most
dynamic and competitive economic area before the end of
the decade, require even greater economic and social
cooperation in Europe.
With this in mind, it is clear that we must expect the
candidate countries to be in a position to fully and
wholeheartedly adopt and apply European legislation.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The forthcoming enlargement will only be successful if the
Convention on the Future of Europe under the chairmanship
of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing takes bold reform steps to
ensure the European Union's ability to shape policy as
well as its manageability.
This is no longer merely about efficiency. Europe also has
considerable shortcomings with regard to democratic
legitimacy and the transparency of political decisions.
It is unclear to many citizens who is responsible for
which decisions in Europe.
In view of the far-reaching consequences which decisions
at European level have for citizens' daily lives, we must
not neglect to solve this problem.
It is no coincidence that right-wing populists such as Le
Pen in France or Haider in Austria use the fact that many
citizens quite literally cannot grasp Europe's
institutions as a pretext for their anti-democratic and
anti-European agitation.
We must strengthen both the democratic idea and the idea
of efficiency in order to shape a Europe of popular
participation in the institutional sphere.
We need a clearer division of competences between the
member states and the European Union.
We do not want a catalogue of competences. Rather, it is
important that we sift through European policy in a
pragmatic manner in order to see what, in keeping with the
principle of subsidiarity, could be better dealt with by
the member states.
Conversely, there will be spheres in which we need more
Europe. In particular, these include protection against
internal and external threats.
We need a European separation of powers which citizens can
more easily understand.
This includes a Commission transformed into a strong
executive which in future, just like any other "normal"
government, must be accountable to citizens for its
political decisions.
We need a European Parliament with greater democratic
rights which also elects the "European Head of
Government", i.e. the President of the Commission.
Finally, the Council should be developed into a chamber of
states with a largely legislative function.
We must think about how the current indirect financing of
the European Union can best be reorganized into a partly
direct, or at least more transparent, mode of financing
which citizens can better understand.
Finally, we need a European constitution. The name we give
it is not important. Rather, what matters is that the
institutional content is right and the necessary
transparency guaranteed.
In particular, the Charter of Fundamental Rights must be
incorporated into the treaties.
This Charter contains everything which a Western-style
constitution requires in terms of fundamental rights.
I believe that these elements make up the essential
features of the institutional setup for a European Union
geared to master the challenges of the 21st century.
This is the task facing the Convention on the Future of
Europe. And I am particularly pleased that we were able to
win an experienced and convinced European of the stature
of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing for this huge task.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The European nation-states will not be able to master the
great challenges of the 21st century on their own, neither
politically nor economically.
In the age of globalization, even the largest European
states will only be able to assert their interests if they
join forces.
The need for joint European action is particularly
apparent in the field of foreign and security policy. This
was demonstrated in inexorable clarity by the events of 11
September.
The common threat posed by international terrorism has
also made NATO and Russia move closer together.
Last week, the Heads of State and Government of NATO
signed the Rome Declaration together with President
Putin.
Russia will now be included as an equal partner in the
work of the Alliance on a series of important issues, such
as the fight against terrorism, the non-proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction and arms control.
This is a historic step which adds a new dimension to the
relationship between NATO and Russia.
At the NATO summit to be held in Prague this November, we
will resolutely continue to adapt NATO to the new
challenges and threats posed by international terrorism
and weapons of mass destruction.
Moreover, we will admit new members and thus give more
states an opportunity to contribute to stability and
security in Europe from within the Alliance.
International alliances and multilateral action will
become an increasingly important part of the changing
security policy of the 21st century.
The horrendous attacks in the US showed that no country is
invulnerable in our world which is growing ever closer
together.
Today, internal and external security can no longer be
separated from each other.
Reacting to the new, global risks is one of the central
challenges facing the international community.
As is demonstrated by what we have achieved to date in the
fight against terrorism, we have already made good
progress.
With its commitment to Afghanistan and its participation
in Operation Enduring Freedom, Germany has shown that it
takes its duty to render assistance seriously.
In Afghanistan, I witnessed first-hand the exemplary peace
commitment of the multinational ISAF troops.
However, military actions can always only be the "ultima
ratio" in a more comprehensive security policy.
Such a policy must be based on a broad international
coalition and give equal consideration to diplomatic,
security, economic, humanitarian and development
measures.
One focus of a such a policy must be the prevention of
terrorism.
We will therefore continue to work together with our
European partners and the US towards ending violence and
terror in the Middle East.
Our objective remains a negotiated peace settlement which,
on the one hand, recognizes Israel's right to exist and
security and, on the other, envisages the creation of a
viable Palestinian state.
I am also deeply concerned over the conflict between India
and Pakistan.
Civil war, human rights violations and extreme poverty
were, after all, also the breeding ground for the sinister
symbiosis between global terrorism and the Taliban
regime.
As a result of the concerted and resolute action taken by
the international coalition against terrorism, Afghanistan
has been able to make a fresh start.
However, the stabilization and reconstruction of the
country continue to require an intensive long-term
commitment by the international community.
During my visit to Kabul last month, I emphasized
Germany's readiness to fully support Afghanistan's return
to the international community and its reconstruction.
And during my visit to a girls' school I saw for myself
how rewarding our commitment is if it gives people who
were barred from all hope for many years a chance and
prospect once more of decent development.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
We must also take further steps in the United Nations, the
European Union, NATO and G 7/G 8 to prevent the emergence
of and energetically combat international terrorism.
We have already made tangible progress in drying up the
sources of finance for terrorism, as well as in
endeavouring to block terrorists' access to weapons of
mass destruction.
The German Government believes that it is particularly
important for all counter-terrorism measures to enhance
and support international and regional alliances and
security cooperation.
It is of the utmost importance that we further strengthen
the United Nations.
The United Nations is the central pillar for the further
development of international law. There can be no global
peace policy without a strong United Nations.
In a world which is becoming ever more and ever faster
interlinked, in which political decisions are producing an
increasing amount of regional and global interaction, the
demands on the United Nations are rising. However, the
immediate significance of multilateral action is also
growing for each individual member state.
With the implementation of the Brahimi Report, the
capacities of the United Nations are being considerably
strengthened across the board - from crisis prevention to
post-conflict peace-building.
In future, the United Nations will also benefit from the
envisaged further development and expansion of the
European Union's crisis prevention and management
capabilities within the framework of the European Security
and Defence Policy.
The United Nations can only do justice to its increased
importance if it can act on a solid financial basis.
However, the United Nations' efficiency and the capability
to take action must also be resolutely strengthened by way
of internal reforms. Secretary-General Kofi Annan has
provided important impetus for this.
The German Government's central objective is, within the
framework of a strong and efficient world organization, to
step up its efforts to help disadvantaged regions of the
world and to help ensure that all countries have a share
in social and economic achievements, in order to promote a
fair international system of security, prosperity and
development.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
This weekend you will be examining topical issues in world
politics, as well as the future development of the
European Union.
I look forward to your suggestions and wish you a
successful conference.
And I hope that, despite your work load, you will find the
time and leisure to get to know the city and its people a
little.
Thank you very much.
Download the PDF